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04/09/2026
Kaduna Businessman Accuses Sheikh Gumi of Holding His Moroccan Wife for 11 Months, Files Multiple Court Cases
By Efehe-Abasi Asanga, Publisher, AfriWatch
This report is based on allegations made by one party to an ongoing legal dispute, corroborated in part by court filing details reported by SaharaReporters. Sheikh Ahmad Gumi has not publicly responded to these specific allegations as of publication. AfriWatch will update this report if his response, or further verified developments, become available.
A Kaduna-based businessman, Nasir Musa Idris, has publicly accused prominent Islamic scholar Sheikh Dr. Ahmad Gumi of unlawfully keeping his Moroccan wife in his household for roughly 11 months, and has filed multiple criminal and civil cases against the cleric and several of his associates and family members.
**The allegations**
Speaking to RFI Hausa, Idris alleged that he introduced his wife, a Moroccan national identified in other reports as Khadija Daib, to Sheikh Gumi after the two families' paths crossed at a pharmacy in Kaduna. Idris said he married his wife in Morocco with documentation authenticated by both the Nigerian and Moroccan governments, and that she had no relationship with Gumi prior to that introduction.
According to Idris, the dispute escalated after a September 2025 incident in which his wife was reportedly taken to Gumi's residence for what he was told would be marital counselling. Idris says he was unable to reach her afterward, and that she has remained at the cleric's residence since. He further alleged that Gumi pressured him to obtain a separate Sharia Court marriage certificate despite existing valid documentation, and accused the cleric of being connected to a subsequently voided certificate and to additional documents allegedly used in court proceedings related to the marriage. AfriWatch has not independently verified these specific claims regarding the documents.
**What has been filed in court**
According to court documents reviewed by SaharaReporters, Idris has lodged multiple formal complaints naming Gumi and several others as defendants. Filings at the Chief Magistrate Court in Barnawa name Gumi, his wife Amal Ahmad Gumi, and his sons Mahmud and Mubarak Ahmad Gumi, citing alleged offences under Kaduna State's Penal Code including criminal conspiracy, criminal trespass, theft, enticement of a married woman, and defamation. A separate application at the Kaduna Sharia Court adds two further named associates as defendants. SaharaReporters also reported allegations of theft involving $20,000 and 6,000 Saudi riyals, which are part of the broader complaint but distinct from the custody dispute itself.
Idris says a forgery case involving an official seal has been referred by a court to the police for investigation, and states that a civil court has already ruled in his favour, ordering that Gumi have no further contact with his wife. AfriWatch has not independently reviewed the referenced judgment or verified its current enforcement status.
Idris's account of events
In his account, Idris said the cleric told him, "This girl is young, she is 23, release her. What is her future with you?" He also disputed claims from Gumi's associates that his wife had left Nigeria, saying immigration and Moroccan embassy records confirm she remains in the country and cannot travel without his consent as her husband. He said he has rejected proposals for an out-of-court settlement, arguing Gumi has no family standing under Islamic tradition to mediate the matter.
Idris has called on President Bola Tinubu, Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani, and security agencies to ensure the matter proceeds through the courts, saying he has received threats since going public but intends to continue pursuing the case.
What remains unconfirmed
Sheikh Gumi has not issued a public statement responding to these specific allegations as of this report. Nigerian police authorities in Kaduna have likewise not issued a statement on the status of any investigation. The specific claims regarding forged documents, the alleged theft, and the circumstances under which Idris's wife came to remain at Gumi's residence are, at this stage, allegations made by one party to a live legal dispute rather than established findings of any court.
Given Sheikh Gumi's public profile and the seriousness of the allegations, AfriWatch will continue to follow developments in this case, including any response from the cleric and outcomes of the pending court proceedings.
If you have verified information relevant to this case, including from any of the named parties, please reach out to our editorial desk.
Verified. Factual. Fearless.
Efehe-Abasi Asanga, Publisher, AfriWatch
WHEN A GOVERNMENT DECLARES WAR ON ITS OWN WOMEN: THE TALIBAN'S ASSAULT ON FEMALE HUMANITY IN AFGHANISTAN
By Efehe-Abasi Asanga | Publisher, AfriWatch
August 3, 2026
There is a government in the world today that has made it illegal for a girl to learn mathematics after the age of eleven.
There is a government in the world today that has sent armed men into beauty salons to shut them down — because a woman shaping her eyebrows was deemed a threat to religious order.
There is a government in the world today that has looked at half its population — its mothers, its daughters, its sisters, its wives — and declared, in policy and in law: you do not deserve knowledge. You do not deserve beauty. You do not deserve to exist in public as a full human being.
That government is the Taliban of Afghanistan.
And the world — distracted, exhausted, and increasingly indifferent — is allowing it to happen in real time.
AfriWatch is not indifferent. And we will not be silent.
PART ONE: THE EDUCATION BAN — CRIMINALIZING FEMALE INTELLIGENCE
Afghanistan is the only country on earth where girls are banned from attending school beyond the sixth grade.
Not the only country where female education is difficult. Not the only country where girls face cultural or economic barriers to schooling. The only country — out of 195 sovereign nations on this planet — where the government has made it illegal for a girl above the age of approximately eleven to receive formal education.
Let that register in its full weight.
A girl in Kabul. Eleven years old. She has been attending school. She is learning. She is curious. She has questions about the world — about science, about history, about mathematics, about literature. She has dreams — perhaps to become a doctor, a teacher, an engineer, a journalist, a judge.
On the day she turns twelve — the Taliban government of Afghanistan tells her: your education is over. Go home. Do not come back.
Not because she failed her examinations. Not because her school ran out of money. Not because her family cannot afford tuition. But because the men who seized power at gunpoint in August 2021 have decided — on the basis of their interpretation of Islamic law — that female intelligence beyond a certain age is dangerous, immoral, and forbidden.
This policy did not emerge from scholarly consensus. It did not emerge from democratic deliberation. It did not emerge from any consultation with the women of Afghanistan whose lives it has destroyed. It emerged from the barrel of a gun — wielded by men who seized a country by force and then proceeded to legislate the humanity of its female population out of existence.
The consequences are not abstract. They are devastatingly concrete.
Hundreds of thousands of Afghan girls and young women — who were attending school, attending university, building careers and futures under the previous government — have been expelled from the educational system overnight. Medical students pulled from hospitals. Law students expelled from universities. Engineering students locked out of laboratories. Teachers who taught female students told they no longer have students to teach.
Afghanistan — a country already devastated by four decades of war, poverty, and instability — has deliberately destroyed its own human capital. The doctors that Afghan women would have become will not exist. The engineers will not exist. The lawyers will not exist. The teachers who would have educated the next generation will not exist. An entire generation of female potential — annihilated by decree.
And the Taliban's justification? That this is what Islam requires.
It is not. And AfriWatch states this with the full confidence of historical and scholarly record.
The Prophet Muhammad — peace be upon him — explicitly commanded: "Seeking knowledge is an obligation upon every Muslim." Every Muslim. Not every male Muslim. Not every Muslim above the age of eleven who happens to be male. Every Muslim. The first word revealed to the Prophet was not a military command. It was not a political decree. It was "Iqra" — Read.
Read. The foundational command of Islam — weaponized by the Taliban to justify illiteracy.
The Islamic civilization that produced Ibn Rushd, Ibn Sina, Al-Khwarizmi, and Al-Zahrawi — the scholars whose work preserved and advanced human knowledge during Europe's Dark Ages — was not built on the intellectual exclusion of women. Khadijah bint Khuwaylid — the Prophet's first wife — was a businesswoman and employer. Aisha bint Abi Bakr — one of the most authoritative transmitters of Islamic tradition — was a scholar, a teacher, and a political leader. The Islamic tradition has never been monolithic in its exclusion of women from knowledge. The Taliban's policy is not Islamic tradition. It is Taliban tradition — dressed in Islamic language to give tyranny a theological cover it does not deserve.
PART TWO: THE BEAUTY SALON CLOSURES — CRIMINALIZING FEMALE EXISTENCE
If the education ban is the Taliban's war on female intelligence — the beauty salon closures are their war on female joy.
In mid-2023, the Taliban's Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice — an institution whose very name should alarm every person who has ever believed in human dignity — ordered the closure of all beauty salons nationwide across Afghanistan.
The stated reason: services like eyebrow shaping, hair weaves, and makeup application violated religious rulings and were wasteful for weddings.
Let us examine this policy with the seriousness it does not deserve but must receive.
Eyebrow shaping is now a crime in Afghanistan.
A woman sitting in a chair. A trained professional working with thread or tweezers. The ancient, universal human practice of personal grooming — practiced by women across every culture, every religion, and every civilization in human history — declared illegal by armed men who believe God is offended by the shape of a woman's eyebrows.
The implications go far beyond cosmetics.
Afghanistan had approximately 60,000 beauty salons operating before the Taliban closure order. Those salons were not just places where women went to feel beautiful. They were one of the only spaces where women — in an increasingly restricted public sphere — could gather, talk, share information, support each other, and maintain a semblance of social connection outside the home.
They were one of the only sectors of the Afghan economy where women could work, earn income, and maintain financial independence in a society where female employment has been systematically eliminated across most other sectors.
They were — for many Afghan women — the last remaining space in public life that was theirs.
The Taliban understood all of this. And they shut it down anyway.
Because this was never really about eyebrows. It was never really about makeup. It was never really about religious purity or wasteful weddings. It was about the systematic elimination of every space — physical, intellectual, economic, social — in which Afghan women could exist as autonomous human beings rather than as property of their male relatives and their government.
Beauty salons were closed because beauty — for women — implies agency. And agency, for the Taliban, is the real transgression.
PART THREE: THE GLOBAL RESPONSE — INSUFFICIENT, INADEQUATE, AND INDICTING
The international community's response to the Taliban's systematic destruction of Afghan women's rights has been — with isolated exceptions — a masterclass in diplomatic inadequacy.
Condemnations have been issued. Statements have been released. United Nations reports have been filed. Special envoys have been appointed. And Afghan women — educated, brilliant, courageous Afghan women who risked everything to speak to international media — have testified before committees, addressed conferences, and pleaded their case to governments that expressed sympathy and then returned to the business of managing their relationship with a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
The Taliban has received that response — and learned from it. They have learned that the international community's condemnations carry no consequences. That their diplomatic isolation is manageable. That the humanitarian aid flowing into Afghanistan — without which the Taliban government would face immediate economic collapse — will continue regardless of what they do to their female population.
They have learned, in short, that the world will talk. And talk. And talk. And then do nothing that costs them anything.
This is not a counsel for military intervention. The world has tried military intervention in Afghanistan and the results are the Taliban government that exists today. This is a counsel for genuine, consequential, coordinated international pressure — the kind that makes the cost of gender apartheid higher than the Taliban is willing to pay.
Every dollar of humanitarian aid flowing into Afghanistan is a dollar that sustains a government that has made female education illegal. That is not an argument for cutting aid to starving Afghan civilians — they are victims of the Taliban, not its beneficiaries. It is an argument for demanding, as a non-negotiable condition of any international engagement, the immediate reversal of policies that have eliminated half the population from public life.
The world that sanctioned South Africa into ending apartheid has the tools. It lacks the will.
PART FOUR: WHY AFRICA — AND NIGERIA SPECIFICALLY — CANNOT BE SILENT
AfriWatch is an African publication. Our primary focus is Nigeria, the Middle Belt, and the African continent. So why are we writing about Afghanistan?
Because what the Taliban is doing in Afghanistan is not happening in a sealed container. It is a model. A demonstration. A proof of concept — for every religious extremist movement on the continent that watches and learns.
Boko Haram — whose name literally means "western education is forbidden" — has been observing the Taliban's governance model for years. The ideological continuity between Taliban gender policy and Boko Haram's kidnapping of schoolgirls is not coincidental. It is doctrinal. It flows from the same interpretive tradition — the same conviction that female education is a Western contamination to be resisted by any means necessary.
The 276 Chibok girls were taken from their school on April 14, 2014. They were taken because they were girls. In a school. Learning. And a terrorist organization that shares the Taliban's fundamental conviction about female education decided that their learning was an offense that required violent correction.
The Taliban's Afghanistan is what Boko Haram's Nigeria would look like if Boko Haram won.
That possibility — remote but not impossible — is why every Nigerian, every African, every person of conscience anywhere on earth should be paying attention to what is happening to the women of Afghanistan.
Because the ideology does not respect borders. Because the model, once established, inspires imitation. Because the girls of Bokkos and Chibok and Sambisa and Maiduguri are not as far from the girls of Kabul and Kandahar as geography suggests.
PART FIVE: THE WOMEN WHO REFUSED TO DISAPPEAR
AfriWatch will not end this article without honoring the Afghan women who have refused — at extraordinary personal risk — to accept what the Taliban has decreed for them.
They have held underground schools in private homes — teaching girls mathematics, science, and literature in secret while armed men patrol the streets outside. They have recorded video messages from hiding — their faces covered not by choice but by fear — addressing the international community in multiple languages, demanding that the world see them as the full human beings they are. They have marched in the streets of Kabul — small groups of women, facing armed Taliban fighters — holding signs that say simply: "Education is our right."
They have been beaten for it. Arrested for it. Disappeared for it.
And they have continued.
Because a government can ban a girl from school. It cannot ban her from knowing that she deserves to be there. It cannot ban her intelligence. It cannot ban her dreams. It cannot ban the fury of a human being who knows — with absolute certainty — that what is being done to her is wrong.
Those women are among the bravest human beings alive on this earth today. And they deserve a world that does more than issue statements on their behalf.
CONCLUSION: GENDER APARTHEID BY ANOTHER NAME
South Africa's apartheid regime classified human beings by race and used that classification to deny them education, economic opportunity, and basic human dignity. The world eventually named it for what it was — a crime against humanity — and mobilized to end it.
The Taliban has classified human beings by gender and is using that classification to deny them education, economic opportunity, and basic human dignity. The world has named it. It has not mobilized to end it.
There is a word for the systematic, legally enforced, government-mandated exclusion of a group of human beings from public life on the basis of an immutable characteristic.
That word is apartheid.
What the Taliban is practicing in Afghanistan is gender apartheid. It is not a cultural difference to be respected. It is not a religious tradition to be tolerated. It is a crime against humanity — against the women of Afghanistan specifically and against the dignity of every human being on earth generally.
A twelve-year-old girl in Kabul deserves the same right to learn mathematics that a twelve-year-old girl in Jos, in London, in New York, in Beijing, or in any other city on this planet possesses. Not because of any political ideology. Not because of any Western value system. But because she is a human being — created with intelligence, with curiosity, with potential, and with the God-given capacity to learn.
The Taliban has decided that God disagrees. AfriWatch — and every person who believes in the equal humanity of women — disagrees with the Taliban.
Banning a girl from school is not piety. It is cowardice.
Shutting down a beauty salon is not righteousness. It is control.
And a government that wages war on the education and dignity of its own women has forfeited every claim to legitimacy — religious, political, or moral.
The women of Afghanistan are watching. The girls of Nigeria are watching. The daughters of the Middle Belt are watching.
The question is whether the world is watching back — and whether watching will ever be enough.
AfriWatch stands in solidarity with every Afghan woman fighting for her right to learn, to work, to exist in public as a full human being. Their struggle is not foreign to us. It is our struggle too.
Efehe-Abasi Asanga
Publisher — AfriWatch
Verified. Factual. Fearless.
afriwatchglobal.blogspot.com
18/07/2026
Burned Qurans. Torched mosques. A regime crackdown that's killed thousands.
As Iran's January 2026 unrest turned deadly, state TV blamed protesters for attacking Islam itself. But independent fact-checkers call the narrative misleading — and there's a reason mosques in Iran aren't neutral ground: many reportedly double as bases for the Basij militia enforcing the crackdown.
AfriWatch breaks down what's verified, what's disputed, and why this matters. Read more 👇
🚫 CLAIM: Iranian state media claims that U.S. forces struck a civilian wheat storage facility in Hoveyzeh on July 14. This is FALSE.
✅ TRUTH: On July 14, U.S. forces hit Iranian military targets in Bandar Abbas, Khormuj, Ahvaz, Qeshm, Tunb, Bushehr, and Kuh-e Stak to degrade Iran’s ability to attack commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz. Meanwhile, Iran has targeted innocent civilians transiting the strait and in neighboring Gulf countries.
16/07/2026
Kano Hisbah Bans Mobile Movie Downloads: A Policy Caught Between Faith, Law, and Livelihood
By Efehe-Abasi Asanga, Publisher, AfriWatch
Watch and learn how Fulani Herdsmen attacks are helping to break and weaken the North
04/07/2026
THEY ARE STEALING PLATEAU'S FUTURE — AND WE ARE WATCHING
There is a silent war being waged on Plateau State. It does not announce itself with gunfire. It does not make headlines every morning. But its damage is just as devastating — and far more permanent.
It is called illegal mining. And it is eating our land alive.
THE SCALE OF THE DESTRUCTION
Illegal tin mining has mushroomed in Plateau State over the past five years, with thousands of abandoned pits sprouting across rural areas and urban centres.
Read that again. Thousands of abandoned pits. Scattered across the land that feeds Nigeria. The land that our ancestors farmed, defended, and bled for. Now riddled with holes like a battlefield — because foreign nationals and their local collaborators are extracting our wealth and leaving us with craters.
In March 2025, several Chinese nationals and local collaborators implicated in large-scale illegal mining were arrested at Jiasheng Nigeria Limited — a company without a mining licence. They were found with a truck loaded with bags of processed monazite, a tin ore by-product.
They came with tourist visas. They left with our minerals.
WHAT ILLEGAL MINING DOES TO OUR LAND
Large-scale mining of tin and associated minerals in Jos, Plateau has resulted in a high degree of degradation of arable land, vegetation and landscape, as well as other environmental problems.
The environmental effects of unlawful mining include loss of biodiversity, soil erosion, formation of sinkholes, soil contamination, and desecration of ground and surface water which could potentially cause health problems eventually leading to deaths.
Think about that. The same Plateau soil that produces over 90% of Nigeria's Irish potatoes, that grows the cabbages, carrots, strawberries, and vegetables that feed the nation — that soil is being stripped, poisoned, and abandoned by illegal miners who answer to no one and leave nothing behind.
In many host communities, illegal operations have turned farmlands, forests and riverbeds into unregulated extraction fields, causing environmental degradation, increasing social tension, and depriving the government of substantial revenue.
THE FOREIGN INVASION NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT
A report by Renevlyn Development Initiative titled "Silent Conquest: The Chinese Infiltration of Nigeria's Solid Minerals Sector" found that illegal operations have turned farmlands, forests and riverbeds into unregulated extraction fields, causing environmental degradation, increasing social tension, and depriving the government of substantial revenue. A lack of effective government enforcement has allowed foreign miners to operate with little regard for standards or community welfare.
While we debate politics and religion on social media, foreign nationals are quietly carting away the mineral wealth that should be funding schools, hospitals, and infrastructure for our children. Foreign players sponsor local middlemen to buy tin ore directly from mine sites rather than from tin sheds in Jos, where it costs more — buying tin ore at about US$8 per 0.45 kg and selling it for far more.
Our resources. Their profit. Our destruction. Their convenience.
THE PRICE NIGERIA IS PAYING
Illegal mining costs Nigeria about US$9 billion annually — an estimate of the undeclared and lost solid minerals and the taxes these minerals could have generated.
$9 billion. Every year. Gone. While Plateau State hospitals lack equipment. While Plateau roads crumble. While Plateau youths are unemployed. While Plateau farmers are being killed on the same land that illegal miners are destroying from below.
Illegal mining has entrenched itself as a parallel economy — one often controlled by armed groups, including bandits and criminal syndicates — exploiting weak regulatory enforcement, porous licensing systems, and local vulnerabilities to extract resources with impunity.
And here is the connection nobody wants to make plainly: illegal mining and insecurity are feeding each other. Armed groups use mining revenue to fund operations. Mining sites become flashpoints for violence. The holes they leave behind become hiding spots and operational bases.
WHAT THIS MEANS FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS
Businesses relocate. Thousands of families flee ancestral homes, while abandoned mining pits, polluted rivers and degraded farmlands leave lasting environmental damage. The economic losses are enormous, but the human cost is even greater.
A child born in Plateau today will inherit a land riddled with abandoned pits where farmlands once stood. They will drink from rivers contaminated by mining chemicals. They will grow up on soil that can no longer yield the harvests their grandparents knew. They will look at the hills their ancestors defended — and find them hollowed out.
That child did not choose this. That child did not sign any agreement with any mining company. That child simply had the misfortune of being born after the looters arrived.
We are mortgaging our children's inheritance. And we are doing it in real time.
WHAT MUST HAPPEN — NOW
Governor Caleb Mutfwang suspended all mining activities in Plateau State on February 21, 2025, linking illegal mining to insecurity, environmental degradation, and child labour. That suspension was a necessary first step. But suspension without enforcement is decoration.
What Plateau State needs is not a temporary ban. What Plateau needs is:
🔴 Permanent, funded environmental enforcement with real consequences for violators — local and foreign alike
🔴 Prosecution of every Chinese national and local collaborator arrested for illegal mining — not quiet releases and scant follow-up
🔴 Community land protection laws that give indigenous Plateau peoples legal standing to defend their ancestral territories from mining encroachment
🔴 Environmental remediation of already-damaged land — restoring what has been destroyed before another generation inherits craters
🔴 Revenue transparency — every legitimate mining licence in Plateau State must generate documented community benefits. Not just government revenue. Community benefits.
The rocks of Plateau State are 160 million years old. They survived ancient volcanoes, colonial conquest, and decades of political neglect. But they cannot survive this — the daily, systematic, criminal extraction of everything they contain — without consequences that will outlast every government currently in power.
Plateau's minerals belong to Plateau's children. Not to foreign syndicates. Not to local middlemen. Not to licensed looters.
Speak up. Share this. Demand accountability. Before there is nothing left to protect.
⛏️ The land remembers. Make sure the law does too.
04/07/2026
⚠️ HISBAH IN PLATEAU STATE? AFRIWATCH SAYS: NOT ON OUR WATCH.
A former House of Representatives aspirant for Bassa/Jos North, Khalifa Pasali, has publicly declared that he is actively lobbying for the establishment of Hisbah — an Islamic religious police — in Plateau State.
He claims that over three million Muslims in Plateau State justify the need for such an institution.
AfriWatch has investigated this claim. Here is what we found:
THE POPULATION CLAIM IS SUSPICIOUS
Plateau State's total population is estimated at approximately 4.7 million people. Claiming over three million of them are Muslim — in a state widely recognized as a heartland of Nigerian Christianity — is a figure AfriWatch cannot verify from any credible demographic source. It appears significantly inflated.
HISBAH IS CONSTITUTIONALLY IMPOSSIBLE IN PLATEAU
Hisbah exists in only twelve northern states that have formally adopted Sharia criminal law — Kano, Zamfara, Sokoto, and others. Plateau State has never adopted Sharia law. It has no Sharia Commission. No Sharia criminal court. The legal foundation that even partially justifies Hisbah elsewhere simply does not exist here.
Section 10 of Nigeria's 1999 Constitution is unambiguous: no government shall adopt any religion as state religion. Introducing Hisbah into Plateau without first imposing Sharia is constitutionally impossible. And imposing Sharia on Plateau's majority Christian population is constitutionally unacceptable.
HISBAH HAS A DOCUMENTED RECORD OF ABUSE
According to Human Rights Watch, Hisbah operatives are mostly locally-recruited young men with low levels of formal education, no background in law, and no training in law enforcement. They have destroyed property belonging to non-Muslims, raided bars and hotels, arrested people without due process, and harassed citizens over personal lifestyle choices.
In 2020 alone, Hisbah in Kano destroyed trucks carrying alcohol belonging to non-Muslims — people whose constitutional rights explicitly protect their freedom of choice.
A resident of Kano described Hisbah as "intimidation disguised as religious enforcement."
This is the institution being proposed for a Plateau State already bleeding from years of ethno-religious violence.
THE TIMING IS INFLAMMATORY
Communities in Bokkos, Mangu, Riyom, and Bassa are still burying their dead. Thousands are displaced. NIPSS has been attacked three times in three weeks. And a political figure is publicly lobbying to introduce a religious enforcement body with a documented record of targeting non-Muslims — into this same volatile environment.
This is not a development proposal. This is a provocation.
✅ WHAT PLATEAU STATE ACTUALLY NEEDS
Plateau needs more Nigeria Police Force personnel. More community policing. More investment in education, agriculture, and youth employment. More bridges between its indigenous communities and all residents. More accountability from security agencies.
Plateau does not need a religious police force that answers to Sharia law in a state that has never chosen Sharia.
Every Plateau citizen — Christian, Muslim, traditionalist, and every person of conscience — should take this proposal seriously and respond to it with the constitutional, legal, and civic force it deserves.
Your rights are not negotiable. Your state is not up for religious capture.
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